The Art of the Chinese Sword

Philip Tom

The medieval Chinese dynasties saw great advances in metallurgy. Some,
like the ability to produce cast iron, were far ahead of such technology
in the Europe. Others, like the mastery of efficient, large-scale steel
production, enabled the Tang and Song dynasties to become major military
powers in east Asia.

The finely-forged blade of dual-row huawen (flowery-figured) damascus steel, the lamellae of the twists running obliquely towards the point on either side of the median ridge. The fittings of chased and pierced brass, fire-gilt, and set with carved jade plaques. The scabbard surfaced with dyed shagreen. An example which is important not only for its workmanship and embellishment, but also for the use of a hilt styled after a peidao, or saber. Saber-hilted jian are depicted on Ming Dynasty imperial tomb guardian figures, and a few sumptuous examples of such swords, probably made at the imperial workshops in the Forbidden City, are extant from the first half of the Qing.

The finely-forged blade of dual-row huawen (flowery-figured) damascus steel, the lamellae of the twists running obliquely towards the point on either side of the median ridge. The fittings of chased and pierced brass, fire-gilt, and set with carved jade plaques. The scabbard surfaced with dyed shagreen. An example which is important not only for its workmanship and embellishment, but also for the use of a hilt styled after a peidao, or saber. Saber-hilted jian are depicted on Ming Dynasty imperial tomb guardian figures, and a few sumptuous examples of such swords, probably made at the imperial workshops in the Forbidden City, are extant from the first half of the Qing.

Most collectors of Asian arms are aware that the techniques of forging
and tempering developed in China are the basis from which developed the
reknowned Japanese swords. These skills arrived in Japan as early as the
Sui and Tang dynasty China (AD 589 onward).

The connoisseurship of Japanese sword has thrived over the centuries
and has gained an international following in our time. Today Japanese
blades are rightly treasured as works of art on their own. Unfortunately,
the appreciation of swords produced by the ‘parent’ smiths of China languished
even in its native land. This is despite the fact that very fine blades
were made in China, and that hand-to-hand combat with edged weapons often
proved crucial in winning battles up through the end of the imperial period.

Sadly, even enthusiastic Chinese practitioners of martial arts tend
to be ignorant of the history, manufacture, and aesthetic traditions of
the weapons they train with daily. Non-Chinese are in no better state.
There is difficulty in reconciling the beautiful specimens on display
in venues such as the Forbidden City, Muse de l’Arme in Paris, or the
Moscow Kremlin with the shoddy “Boxer Rebellion trophies” or touristic
bric-a-brac often seen in antique shops or at gun shows.

A major reason for this situation lies in the scarcity of literature
on the subject readily accessible to today’s students. This paucity of
reference material has not always been the case in China. A survey of
technical and artistic treatises reveals a considerable number of works
dealing with steel bladed swords, published as early as the 4th cent.
AD. (There is an equally impressive body of material dealing with the
earlier bronze weapons). However, the publication of such works dwindled
sharply after the fall of the Ming Dynasty in 1644.

It is not known for certain why there is a relative scarcity of reference
material written on swords during the Qing, the last imperial dynasty,
which fell in 1911. A common explanation is that the ruling Manchus, who
formed a small percentage of the empire’s population, suppressed all writing
on military subjects out of fear of insurgency by the Han Chinese majority.

SWORD, (jian) of composite origin, the mounts possibly late Ming though
more likely early-to-mid Qing, blade possibly earlier
Blade length 26″ in.

The bifullered blade of stout proportions, of sanmei (three-fold) structure,
with a high-carbon layer between two softer and more resilient lamellar
cheeks (heavily damaged by corrosion, and loss of temper due to fire)
mounted in gilt bronze fittings with decoration in relief, with a grip
of huanghuali wood and a wooden scabbard with dragon and cloud motifs
in black lacquer (the chape missing).

The pairing of a damaged and no longer functional blade to such sumptuous
mounts points to the desire to maintain an salvaged heirloom sword as
a piece of ceremonial regalia. The Qing aristocracy continued the Ming
custom of having large and ornate jian, sheathed and encased in brocade,
borne by attendents in processions.

At the beginning of the Qing dynasty, certain works such as Ming-era
military encyclopedias were censored and restricted. However, a survey
of Qing technical literature does show that a fair number of new titles
were written and published throughout the dynasty. After all, the Qing
still had need for the information for the benefit of its armed forces
(which were predominately composed of Han Chinese troops). Research also
has shown that Qing rulers could be quite pragmatic about the bearing
of arms by the general populace: for instance, the Kangxi emperor was
known to have vetoed a request by an official to disarm the people of
Shandong Province.

What is interesting, however, about the military books published during
the Qing is that they invarably deal with firearms, artillery, and explosive
weapons. (These texts date primarily from the mid-nineteenth century when
the empire was racked by rebellion). Even the classic late Ming encyclopedia,
Wubeizhi, gives bladed weapons relatively scant attention. Why would this
be so, despite the fact that edged weapons were a mainstay in the empire’s
arsenals? It could be that sword technology was by then considered “old
hat”, so well known by those whose job it was to master it that it hardly
warranted repetition in books devoted to new technology.

It is also interesting to note that although Ming aesthetes had quite
a bit to say about swords as an art form. There is however, little evidence
to show that this appreciation remained strong during the Qing. A possible
explanation could be that the tastes of China’s cultural elite tended
to narrow as the centuries passed, becoming ever more preoccupied with
arcane details of a few, beloved major art forms such as painting, porcelain,
and jade. A parallel can be drawn with the decline of the furniture tradition
during the later Qing. Finally, we must also take note of the influence
of Confucian values, which tended to denigrate things military in favor
of literary interests. During the transition to Manchu rule it may also
have been a pragmatic choice for scholars not to show too great an interest
in arms.

CEREMONIAL SABER OF THE IMPERIAL COURT (Huangchao Baolidao) Qianlong reign,
ca. 1760-95 (mounts later)
Blade length 30 5/8 in.

The Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-95) was among the last of
China’s imperial rulers to take an active interest in warfare and the
hunt. A connoisseur of swords, he commissioned the Imperial workshops
at Beijing to make dozens of sumptuous and unique pieces. An illustrated
inventory of Court ceremonial regalia and official uniform regulations,
the Huangchao liqi tushi of 1759, lists a pallasch or zhibeidao with identical
dragon decor along its dorsal ridge. This saber, with its curved blade,
does not appear in the inventory, so we can surmise that it was made after
1759. There are also a number of short pallasches with this dragon motif
which are still preserved in various museums in the People’s Republis
of China. Only one other example of this form of saber blade is known.
It appears to retain its original mountings, which are of elaborately
pierced iron, studded with gemstones, and gilt.

The five-clawed dragon was exclusively reserved for the
Emperor and his Immediate family. The swastika is one of the auspicious
symbols of Buddhism.

What makes the study of the Chinese sword tradition a real challenge
is that those who are studying it in our time must be explorers and pioneers,
not passive consumers. There is much to be done in uncovering and translating
the old texts that have survived. Even more exciting is the fresh look
that we can get at the achievements of the past, by studying blades that
have been carefully polished and restored.

Our research to date shows that the swordsmiths of China, over the last
20 centuries, have crafted blades combining the following attributes:

1. A hard and durable edge.
2. A resilient body which absorbs shock without breaking.

In a sword, these goals can be mutually exclusive. Hard steel tends
to be brittle; a resilient, springy steel is softer and will not hold
an edge as well. Chinese smiths got around this problem by combining hard
and soft steels in varying ways. There are three basic methods. One is
called baogang, or “wrapped” steel. The hard, high-carbon steel that forms
the cutting edge looks, in cross-section, like a “V” which encloses a
softer core of mild steel. The core metal is often folded upon itself
for more strength, or layered with wrought iron for the same effect. A
baogang blade must be made with a fairly thick jacket of hard steel, or
else it loses its strength with repeated sharpening and grinding.

A more common form of blade forging is qiangang, or “inserted”steel.
The high-carbon edge forms a core with is sandwiched between “cheeks”
of mild steel. The cheeks are often made of alternating layers of iron
and steel, which produce a pattern on the surface when the blade is polished.
A skilled smith can manipulate the layers to produce patterns of great
beauty, in addition to providing structural strength to the sword.

Chinese suishu peidao ( Imperial Attendants Saber ) of
qiangang (inserted steel) with the vein (inserted edge) distinguisted
from the gu (body) of the blade by way of a serrrated delineation.

The last major type of forging is known in the West as “twistcore”.
This type is formed of parallel bars of twisted layers of hard and soft
steel, all welded into a single unit under heat and hammer. When ground
and polished, the surface resembles rows of feathery, star-shaped, or
swirling elements.

A chinese broad peidao with joui row twist core configuration
(huaweu-gaug) with marked differentual hardening at the edge

The other area in which Chinese smiths showed considerable ingenuity
was hardening the blade by heating and quenching in liquid. This technique
is almost universal, wherever blades are manufactured. China was one of
the few places in which techniques were devised to differentially heat-treat
the edge, as opposed to the entire blade. This practice increased the
strength and cutting ability of the blade. It was developed to the highest
level by the Japanese, who originally utilized the skills of immigrant
smiths from China and Korea.

A Chinese jian with dual rows of huawen (flowery figured)
Damascus steel with lamdelae of twists running obliquely towards the point
on either side of the median ridge.

The beauty of the Chinese swordsmith’s craft is an art form just beginning
to be rediscovered in China and elsewhere. We live in a time when new
discoveries are made day to day. As we begin to see the beautiful patterns
that raise from the marriage of form and function to create a sword blade
of superior quality steel, we are only begining our study of the Chinese
armor’s craft. There many other areas of study waiting to be explored,
from decorative motif and their symbolism to the blade aesthetics that
are subtly married to function.

Copyright Seven Stars Trading Co. 1998

Reprinted from "Sword & Brush" exhibiton catalog

D-027 KOREAN SABER

Blade length 27 1/2 in.
19th century

The heavy blade of qiangang construction, with a marked taper, deep fullers, and short backedge, fitted with a Japanese-inspired collar at forte, mounted with a short tapering grip whose design shows Japanese influence. The octagonal guard as well as all other fittings of iron, decorated with encrusted silver designs. The scabbard of Chinese form, covered with dyed and polished shagreen.

This type of weapon was intended for combat use by a military officer. In general, Korean sabers follow Japanese prototypes whereas the straight swords are very Chinese in appearance. This saber is unusual in that it combines elements from both cultures. Of particular interest is the pommel. Although generally similar to Chinese saber pommels, this specimen’s proportions and shape are also reminiscent of those on the Central Asian and Siberian sabers carried by Mongol forces in the 13th-14th centuries.

2501. PAEDO KOREAN SABER

Blade length: 25 5/8 in.
Overall length: 32 in.
19th cent.

Of essentially Japanese inspiration, the single-edged blade of shinogizukuri cross-section, with koshizori curvature (strongest near the guard, straightening out towards point), of stout proportions and showing clear evidence of differential heat treating and "inserted steel" (qiangang in Chinese) lamellar structure (the surface lightly cleaned, light polishing to an area on the right side to bring out details of the heat treat, several areas of deep corrosion near the forte, a few tiny nicks on the edge). On the right side of the blade is a chiselled inscription of 8 Chinese characters, identifying this saber as being issued to the honor troop of the Royal Guard.

The mounts of brass (with the exception of an iron guard), comprising a small habaki at the forte of the blade, a serrated washer fronting the guard, the ferrule and pommel on the grip, and the scabbard fittings (the chape missing). The wooden grip wrapped with leather in a manner similar to the Japanese, but without the use of menuki. On this weapon, the tang of the blade goes entirely through the grip, being peened over the pommel in the Chinese style. The scabbardâs suspension system also follows the Chinese system of using two bands holding a perforated dorsal bar. The scabbard covered in black-lacquered leather (buckled, with some minor losses, in center section).

Korean arms are seldom seen in museums or encountered on the market. It is remarkable to find one with an association with the elite military units which guarded the palace at Seoul. The countryâs long, self-imposed isolation meant that few of its weapons were taken abroad, and most surviving specimens were confiscated and destroyed during the disastrous 35-year colonial occupation by Japan. This specimen is remarkably similar to one published by J. L. Boots, in "Korean Weapons and Armor", Transactions of the Korea Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIV, Dec. 1934, Pt. II, seen in plate 12, second from the right.

2502. PAEDO KOREAN SABER

Blade length: 25 in
Overall length: 32 in.
Mid÷late 19th cent.

The heavy single-edged blade of Japanese style, of shinogizukuri cross-section, iori-mune (peaked dorsal spine), with slight torii-zori curvature, no markings or inscriptions, of "inserted steel" (jakan / qiangang) lamellar construction, differentially heat-treated with a pronounced, billowy crystalline zone (hamon) along the edge (surface lightly cleaned, minor speckles of patina and two areas of grain openings in the lamination, the hamon visible on both sides, one portion of left side partially polished to bring out metallurgical details). The blade mounted in its hilt according to the Japanese fashion, with a "blind" tang secured by a transverse peg, and a brass habaki or collar at the forte. The octagonal guard of iron, with blackened finish, with the hilt fitted with simple brass ferrule and pommel. The grip lacquered black over a coarse cloth ground, and wrapped with braided leather strips in the Japanese fashion, albeit without the use of menuki.

The scabbard mounts of plain brass, the suspension fittings being a bar-and-bands system of Chinese type. The wooden scabbard body covered with coarse cloth layered over with black lacquer (considerable wear >from use and handling, the lacquer about 60% intact, a small hole on one side of scabbard).

Korean swords are very scarce, since most surviving examples were confiscated and destroyed during the Japanese colonial occupation , 1910-45. This is a typical example issued to enlisted ranks in the army of the late Yi Dynasty (r. 1391-1910), and is practically identical to the example in plate 12, third from the right, in J. L. Bootsâ "Korean Weapons and Armor", in Transactions of the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIV, Dec. 1934, pt. II.

Myths about Chinese swordsmanship

Chinese jian with dual rows of huawen
Damascus steel with lamelae of twists running obliquely toward the point on
either side of the median ridge.

Preface

There are many widely-held misconceptions about Chinese swords. I have
selected five of the most commonly repeated. I will attempt to dispel them.

Most of the stories have been passed down from generation-to-generation
by the Chinese themselves. These stories are based on “fairy-tales”.
Indeed, frequently these stories are repeated by people who have never handled
an antique sword and who know nothing about Chinese swords, or about metallurgy
or about the art of the swordsmith.

Misconception 1:
The Chinese carried “Belt Swords” which they wore around their waists

Tales of whip-like ‘belt’ swords are nonsense and show an ignorance of
metallurgy and battlefield combat. Whatever “belt swords” may have
existed (and the collecting and museum community have yet to see a single
authentic one) would have only been useful as an assassin’s weapon used to
slash an unsuspecting victim. There is no way to combine the three important
sword qualities in a flimsy, whip-like blade. An overly flexible sword would
lack the structural integrity to thrust or cut with accuracy and control or to
effectively deflect a blow from even a stick, never mind a larger weapon like
a spear, halberd, glaive, or fauchard. Only a fool of a swordsman would want
to meet an irate farmer swinging a chunk of 2X4 with a thin, flimsy jian.

Misconception 2:
There is a special taiji jian designed specifically for this art

Today jian are commonly referred to as “taiji swords”
in martial arts equipment catalogs and by the general public. This implies
there is a jian tailored especially for the art of taiji jian.
Aside from the fact that what makes a good sword tends to apply universally
to everyone, the principles discussed above allow for only slight variations
in possible serviceable variations.
Historically in China, there were just never enough taiji jian
practitioners to form a market to which sword smiths could cater.
Before Yang Luchan brought taijiquan to Guangping and then
Beijing in the mid-nineteenth century, it was limited to just one
small place, the Chen Family Village (Chenjiagou).

Taijiquan practitioners required swords with the same characteristics
as any other fencing system. They were (are) also constrained in the same
way any other martial art was, by the laws of metallurgy. Nineteenth century
taiji jian swordsmen adopted existing sword types, rather than
inventing new ones.

Chinese suishu peidao of
giangang with the vein distinguished
from the gu of the blade by way of a serrated
delineation.

Misconception 3:
Every Chinese would have owned his own sword

The only steady market for sword smiths consisted of the aristocracy, the
elite ‘gentry’ and the military. Nobility, ‘gentry,’ and all grades of the
civil and military hierarchy are estimated to have made up no more than 2 or
3 of the total population.^* These men needed arms to protect
themselves and their estates, and as part of their official regalia. During
the Qing dynasty, all officials had to supply all their own regalia including
personal armaments.

The ranks of the enlisted men in the military were largely equipped by artisans
in the government run arsenals.

Today we focus on the “art” of swordplay and development of
the individual.
Swords are viewed as tools aiding us in this process of personal refinement
and as works of art, which indeed they are.

However, in imperial China they were looked upon by society at large as we
look at assault weapons today. Those training with swords were either in the
military or were expected to need their weapon to protect their lives, family
and property.

Swords were also a luxury item few could afford. The majority of the
population, about 90, were farmers and artisans. Most of these barely had
enough income to buy a second set of clothes. Those who were successful had
other priorities, such as buying more land or mules, or expanding their
businesses. Most people then could afford a fine sword about as much as
today’s small shop keeper or blue-collar worker could afford a new Rolls Royce.
Any sword a family might have come to own was passed down as a valuable
heirloom. In addition, there were legal and social restrictions.
Throughout practically all China’s imperial history, there were laws and
customs regulating what each social class could wear, carry, display, or
use in public. These covered not only weapons, but other items as well,
from clothing to carriages, to the design and color of the gateway to one’s
house. Everyone was expected to “keep his place” and it would have
been folly for a person to invest a great sum of money on a sword that he was
not entitled to carry.

A Chinese broad peidao with four row twist core configuration
[huawen-gang] with marked differential hardening at the edge.

Misconception 4:
Every Chinese sword was custom made for its owner

It is commonly stated by martial artists that swords were usually made to
order. This does not seem to be generally true, although there were always
exceptions. Even a quick survey of antique jian or dao shows
that they only vary a couple of inches in length. Although blade decoration
and fittings do come in different styles, they tend to fall within a certain
number of distinct variations, of which many examples were made over several
generations.
Given the Han people’s great variety of shapes, weights and heights between
North, South, East and West China, we should expect a greater variation among
the swords if they had been made to order.

Misconception 5:
Chinese Swords are historically of poor quality

This notion has arisen from the prevalence of low quality new swords made
for martial arts training. It is commonly believed that these iterations are
a reflection of historical reality.

The steel of Chinese swords all share common characteristics that fall
into a fairly narrow range of possible hardness and resilience. These
functional elements are no mystery and are what any good sword smith can
recognize and control. A sword must have three qualities in order to be
effective in combat. The weapon must have sufficient mass and proper balance
in order to deliver a powerful blow; the edge must be sufficiently hard to
take and hold an edge that will perform effectively (i.e., cut through
clothing, possibly armor, flesh and bone); and, the body of the blade must
be resilient enough to withstand the stress of cutting and deflecting.
Chinese smiths answered these requirements by constructing swords that
are composites of various types of steel.

Aside from having practiced jian for more than a decade and a half,
I have collected and studied swords since high school. As a dealer in antique
swords and an active researcher in the field of Chinese arms and armor, I have
handled over 2000 Chinese swords ranging in age from the early Ming dynasty
(late 1300s) to the early Republic (1920s).
The majority of the Chinese swords that my colleagues and I have encountered
are of extremely fine lamellar steel. That is, they are pattern-welded of
alternating layers of hard and softer steel. They also have a hardened edge.
To put this edge in perspective for the layman, a hardened edge means that
this steel can cut into iron or regular steel. I have seen an unsharpened
jian used to shave ribbons of steel off a heavy security grate. This
particular jian was forged circa 1900, and was left undamaged by this
demonstration. I also have iron rods (Chinese striking weapons) in my
collection that have deep cuts in them from a sword.

There are a number of ways this hardened edge is incorporated into the
blades of Chinese swords. One of the most frequently encountered in single
edge dao (sabers) is qiangang – literally “inserted
steel”. This edge is a separate piece of steel that is inserted into a
folded-over “jacket” of layered pattern welded steel. The edge plate
is of steel with a higher carbon content. When the blade is forged and ground,
it protrudes and forms the cutting portion of the blade. The somewhat softer
“jacket” serves as a support medium and “shock absorber.”

Jian, being double-edged, are usually made of sanmei or
three-plate construction (as are also some dao). In this case, the
piece of hardened steel that is used to form the edge runs all the way
through the body of the sword, appearing on both edges. This core is
sandwiched between walls of somewhat softer layered steel which serves as
a support medium for the harder and more brittle central core.

A method of heat treating used to produce blades with hard edges and
softer, more resilient backs or centers was the differential hardening of
a blade edge by using refractory clay mixtures. This technique (popularly
known as clay tempering), made famous by Japanese sword smiths, originated
in China in the early Tang dynasty (seventh century AD). This method was
adapted by the Japanese during the Tang dynasty (618-907 AD).^*
This differential hardening method involves using the refractory clay to
insulate the back of the blade (thus changing the rate at which the steel
cools), while exposing the edge during the quenching and hardening process.
The radical temperature change at the edge produces a thorough crystallization
of the carbon in the steel to make a hard edge while keeping the rest of
the blade from becoming brittle. When done properly, this method produces
a very hard cutting edge backed by a softer blade body, which retains the
resilience to absorb shock. Though some Chinese sword smiths continued to
use this refractory clay method well into the nineteenth century, it generally
fell out of use by the Song dynasty (960-1280 AD). Henceforth, other methods
of hardening were adopted, possibly due to Central Asian and Middle Eastern
influences during the Yuan dynasty.

The nature of steel is that it cannot be made to both extremes of hardness
and flexibility. Its a matter of trade offs. Constructing a jian out
of different types of steel meets the requirements of hardness and resilience.
The blades of jian, like those of dao, must be carefully heat
treated. However, even those with the most “springy” temper cannot
be bent in a complete circle, or very far beyond a gentle arc. Chinese swords,
as discussed above, are laminates composed of hundreds of layers of steel.
The nature of any laminate, like plywood for example, is that it can flex
under stress and return to its original shape. The hardened high carbon steel
that composes the edge is brittle and does not want to flex. In fact, this
edge would break or shatter if bent too far or hit very hard. This is why the
entire sword is not made of this type of hardened steel. Its edge has to be
protected by “cheeks” of more flexible steel of somewhat lower
carbon content. The whole sword cannot likewise be made of the more flexible
“milder” steel with lower carbon content. Though more shock
resistant than hardened steel, lower carbon steel will not take and hold
an edge well enough to be serviceable in cutting.

During the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, a multi-volume Illustrated
text was put together to standardize all paraphernalia for use within
the Imperial house hold and Empire. The first edition, dated 1759, contains
over 6000 objects. In 1766, a Palace Edition of these regulations was
printed from wood blocks of which six chapters deal with armor, weaponry
and the trappings of war. This HuangChiao LiQi DuShih (Illustrated Regulations
for the Ceremonial Regalia of the Imperial Court) maybe used as a guide
to identifying grades of Qing parade armor. From the information provided
I divided the various types of armor into categories based on color &
fabric design. The most obvious difference between the various ranks being
their color (it should be noted that while these suits are presented as
‘armor’, they are in fact for parade and do not contain any actual armor
plate; by Qianlong’s reign, 1736-1796, the widespread use of matchlocks
and cannon made armor increasing obsolete). The descriptions for each
rank are given in the order they are in the HuangChiao LiQi DuShih:

Huang Di Da Yue Jia Yi, Er- Emperor’s Grand Review Armor One , Two:
Very elaborate, of Imperial (Golden) Yellow with the Five Clawed Dragon.

Qianlong period armor (r. 1736-1796)

Huang Di Sui Shi Jia- Emperor’s Body Guards’/Attendants’ Armor:
Quite ornate, Stone Blue in color with gold dragon with flower patterns
on front & back & shoulders, dragons on sleeves, & mirror and Moon White
lining. Judging from the original wood block illustrations, these look
to be as ornate as the Huang Di’s. While these armor are worn by body
guards, it is interesting to note that they do not contain any armor plates.

Qin Wang Jia- Emperor’s Brother Armor may also be worn Empress’ Brother
(if given rank by the Emperor): ‘Stone Blue’ with interlocking ‘Y’s
with Moon White silk lining. The shang fu of this suit has four rows of
Jazerant plating.

Qin Wang Jia- Emperor’s Brother Armor, also worn by Jun Wang (District
Kings, usually the Emperor’s Son) and the Emperor’s Sons: Same pattern
as above but Golden Yellow in color with interlocking ‘Y’ brocade with
Moon White silk lining. The regulations do not mention the use of any
dragon decoration, however existing variations have four clawed dragons
(refered as mang instead of Long as in the case of five clawed dragons)
The five clawed dragon is reserved for the Emperor and heir apparent,
unless an official is specifically presented with a five clawed uniform
by the Emperor.

Bei Ne Jia- Imperial Family Armor, worn by members of the extended
Imperial family: Simular to Qin Wang Jia with the same shang fu, ‘Stone
Blue’ in color with interlocking ‘Y’s.

Zhi Guan Jia Yi, Er, San- Official Position Armor One, Two and Three.
Type one is worn by Inner Court Officials (Ministers) Chief of Staff for
the Baqi, Ranking Military Provincial Officers, Princes in the Military,
First Rank Military Officers, Second Rank Civilian Officials, & High Ranking
General with Special Titles, type two is worn by third rank civilian officials
and second rank military officers (colonel), type three is worn by Lieutenant
Colonels: All three types are Stone Blue Plain Satin with silver nail
heads with Blue cotton lining. Type one has a dragon embroidery on the
qian dang, while types two and three do not. It is interesting to note
that the description for these speaks of both dragon (five clawed dragons)
embroideries and mang (four clawed dragon) embroideries. The mang being
used on the shang fu of type one and two. The shang fu of type three has
four rows of jazerant instead of mang embroidery.

Qian Feng Xiao Jia- Vanguard Division Lieutenant Armor worn by Captain
and Lieutenant Ranks: White satin with stone blue piping, no sleeves,
yellow bronze (brass) nail heads, with one mang on the front and one on
the back with lotus flower embroidery through out. The shang fu has three
rows of jazerant plate.

Jian Qi Xiao Jia- Cavalry (???) Lieutenant Armor: Same design
as that of Qian Feng Xiao Jia except satin and piping is in color of Banner
to which officer belongs and the shang fu has embroidery instead of jazerant.

Qian Feng Jia- Vanguard Division Armor, worn by sergeant rank:
Regular blue with blue piping and moon white lining.

Jiao Qi Jia- Cavalry Armor, worn by sergeant rank: made of cotton
in the color of the banner with which the soldier serves, with piping
of the same color, but otherwise like the Qian Feng Xiao Jia.

Hu Jun Xiao Mian Jia- Guard Division Lieutenant Cotton Armor:
White satin with white piping and blue silk lining and brass nail heads.

Jiao Qi Xaio Mian Jia- Cavalry Lieutenant Cotton Jia: Stone Blue
Satin, same as other Lieutenant ranks.

Qian Feng Mian Jia- Vanguard Division Cotton Armor: Same as Lieutenant’s
armor except of plain stone blue silk with blue cotton lining and white
bronze nails.

Jiao Qi Mian Jia- Cavalry Cotton Armor: Silk in one of the Banner
colors with blue cotton lining and white bronze nail heads and no sleeves.

Lu Jiao Bing Mian Jia- Deer Horn Soldier Cotton Armor, worn by second
class privates in the Han Chun Qi: Silk in the Banner color with which
the soldier serves and blue cotton inside. This suit lack sleeves, the
shang fu and zhou dang.

Teng Pai Ying Hu Mao- Tigerman’s suit.

Wu Zhuang Yuan Zhou- Martial Exam National Champion Armor, awarded
only to this champion: This is the most unique armor listed in this
section. Unlike the ding jia listed above, this is a true armor and the
body of the suit extents to knee length like the Qing Mandarin outer robes.
The body armor is made of bronze scale with a red silk lining. It has
red and gold piping, iron plates on the sleeves and bronze edging at the
bottom of coat with a green hem below that.

Sozi Jia- Chain [mail] Armor: This armor was captured and worn
by Qing troops in there campaign to put down the rebellion in Xiyi so
it was placed last in the book of regulations. This armor is discribed
in detail above.

It is important to note that there are more distinctions between ranks
in both the BaQi and LuYing then are denoted by types of armor. These
further distinctions are made by the types of helmets worn by each individual
rank.

The usual components of a ding jia suit are: jia yi (sleeveless cuirass),
sleeves, hu yue (deep crescent-shaped gussets worn beneath the arms),
an angle length jia shang or shang fu (tasset) which is split down the
middle, semi-circular hu jian (pauldrons) a rectangular qian dang (sporran),
and a zhou dang (left pad) which attaches to the jia yi at waist level
where the sword and bow case are slung and a pair of high boots.

An additional round hu xin jing (protecting heart ‘mirror’) was sometimes
attached over the heart front and back. Reinforcing pieces are fastened
over the jacket by buttons, flat cords and buckles. Some suits also employed
vambraces fastened around the forearms.

Copyright, Scott M. Rodell
11 September 1997

  ]]> http://sevenstarstrading.com/site/2010/10/qing-parade-armor-types/feed/ 0 http://sevenstarstrading.com/site/2010/10/historical-illustrations-of-the-qing-military/ http://sevenstarstrading.com/site/2010/10/historical-illustrations-of-the-qing-military/#comments Mon, 11 Oct 2010 03:28:31 +0000 Administrator http://sevenstarstrading.com/site/?p=123

Qing soldiers practicing archery on the street in Beijing, 1894.

Emporer Qianglong’s troops battling Muslim insurgents

Manchu Archer

Qing Bannerman armed with Matchlock Musket

Qing Troops preparing for battle with Taiping Rebels

Qing Officer ca. 1900, note the European style saber he carries

Qing Troops armed with European weapons circa 1900

Qing troops fighting the French at Fuzhou during the Opium War

General Li Hongzhang leading the European drilled artillery during the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)

By Sherrod V. Anderson & Philip Tom Hints of the history
of a people can often be discerned as we more closely examine the weapons
of their culture. These are forged and dressed with care, for not only are
they a man’s most constant companions, but are also his major implements
for survival in a hostile world of physical challenges and supernatural
threat. The blades and mountings of the knives of the Baiwan people offer
many clues to a dynamic and intriguing cultural heritage.

Chinese historical records mention contact with the island of Taiwan
as early as the Southern Song Dynasty, during the twelfth through thirteenth
centuries. Two unsuccessful attempts to conquer the island were made du-
ring the succeeding Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty, once under Kubilai Khan in
1291-2 and the other during the reign of Temur Oljeitu in 1297. Chinese
immigration and settlement, chiefly of the coastal areas, proceeded during
the Ming (1368-1644). The first settlers were smugglers and pirates, who
were later joined by Japanese and various Europeans (it was the Portuguese
who left the name Ilha Formosa, or “beautiful island”). Formosa became
the base of operations for the famous Ming loyalist Zheng Chenggung (Coxinga)
in the mid-17th century, and was finally conquered and annexed by the
Qing Dynasty in 1683. Chinese
and Western visitors found on Formosa and the small outlying islands many groups
of indigenous or aboriginal people. These were classified into separate tribes
or extended kinship-groups. The number of such tribes has varied from three
to twenty-three, depending on the time period and the criteria used by the classifiers.
All of these peoples share a Malayo-Polynesian linguistic base, split into various
dialects. These linguistic sub-groups differ according to the geographic origin
of a particular migratory wave and the subsequent isolation or assimilation
of the settlement over thousands of years.

For this brief consideration of edged weaponry, a division of the peoples
according to their geographic placement on the island would be convenient.
The main island of Formosa may be divided into Northern, Central, and
Southern territories. Knives are important tools and male costume accessories
in all three areas. Certain characteristics distinguish those made and
used in each region. Most blades curve slightly upwards towards the tip,
this feature being more prominent in the Northern and Central groups.

• CHINA, Zhou through Song Dynasties
• KOREA, through the Koryo Dynasty
• JAPAN, Kofun through Nara periods
• TIBET & BHUTAN, to the present day

This straight blade shape, most likely a remnant of Song Chinese influence,
is in marked contrast to the various curved forms encountered among the
Baiwans’ ethnolinguistic relatives elsewhere in Southeast Asia. The
blades are secured to the hilts via a long tang which is bent over and hammered
tight against the pommel, which is usually a flat metal plate. The use of a
blade tang which passes entirely through the grip in this way is the characteristic
method of knife assembly in China and Europe; the bending-over of the end of
the tang (as opposed to a simple “mushrooming” over the pommel) is still followed
in the construction of Chinese kitchen cutlery. Again, we see a marked contrast
to blade attachment systems used in the nearby Philippines and the Southeast
Asian mainland. In those areas, tangs typically extend only part way into the
grip. They are secured by adhesive, transverse pins, fiber lashing, metal cleats
bearing on the exposed part of the blade, or by any combination of these. An
examination of the Baiwan blades show that a majority are quite short. Lengths
of over two feet are exceptional. An interesting characteristic of many of them
is their single bevel (having a cross-section much like the edge profile on
a carpenter’s chisel). Single bevels of this type are not typical of northern
cultures like Japan (except on certain daggers) or China. They are most commonly
associated with the mandau or headtaking knife of the Dyaks of Borneo. The case
for influence from this southern region is strengthened by the fact that some
Baiwan blades are slightly hollow-ground on their unbevelled sides, which is
the norm on most mandau. Indeed, such linkages can also be illustrated by examination
of other, more significant cultural affinities between the Dyaks and the Baiwan.

The Baiwan blades exhibit a rough and inelegant finish. Forging marks
are in evidence and grinding is slipshod. However, close examination reveals
that they are of lamellar construction. The ones illustrated here have
a central layer of hard, high-carbon steel “sandwiched” between cheeks
of softer metal. The basic style of lamination is duplicated in the Chinese
qiangang, the Japanese jakan or san-mai, and in similar effects used in
Mindanao, Indochina, and elsewhere. Despite their rather crude finish,
the blades examined for this article appear to have been heat treated
with considerable skill.

The characteristic shape of the Baiwan hilts is straight, with a slight
flare towards the pommel. Scabbards are open-faced, the blade being retained
in a slightly dovetailed channel which is bridged with numerous wire loops.
The design of these loops resembles in some cases the shape of the thick
wire embellishments to the hilts of some campilan swords of the southern
Philippines. The hilt shapes and open-faced scabbards also have direct
parallels in the dao or single-edged short sword of the Kachins of the
Khamti Shan area of the Assam. Indeed, the Baiwan are culturally related
to several of the Assam peoples.

The aesthetic appeal of the Baiwan knives lies in their hilts and scabbards.
Despite the straight blades, the sheaths continue to be formed in the
upward-curving tradition. Another distinguishing feature of the Baiwan
style is the elaborate carving on the hilt and scabbard. The motifs include
stylized serpents and human faces and figures. The designs are highly
symbolic and are charged with spiritual or magical power. The
separated faces actually represent human heads, since the practice of headhunting
was widespread among the Formosan tribes. Heads taken in raids were of great
ritual benefit for the warrior and his village. Human figures, often highly
conventionalized and joined together, are symbolic of the community of ancestors
which supports and protects the living generation. A singular human form, as
seen on some hilts, may signify a particular ancestral deity.

Most prominent, often incorporated as geometric patterns as well as figural
designs, is the snake motif. The great totemic serpent is called vorovoboron,
or “elder of snakes”. It is revered as the progenitor of all Baiwan nobility,
and remains as the spirit guardian of the tribe. Copyright
1999 Seven Stars Trading Co. 

Sherrod V. Anderson, MD

With great sadness we announce the passing of our friend and colleague,
Dr. Anderson. Those of you who have attended tribal arts and antique arms
shows on both the East and West Coasts may remember him as the congenial
expert on the weaponry and applied arts of a number of Southeast Asian
and Oceanic cultures. Sherrod has also contributed his expertise and even
items from his own vast collection to grace the pages of the Seven Stars
catalog and website.

The Doctor was fond of saying that the collecting “bug” bit him when
he was but a wee lad growing up in El Paso, Texas. After medical school,
he went on to live in various parts of the Pacific before settling down
to raise a family in a quiet valley in Hawaii. He also made field trips
along the Pacific Rim to collect and do research. His favorite fields
of study were Kris handles and the war clubs of various Pacific Island
cultures. His scholarship was methodical, and his collecting activities
revealed superb taste and a keen eye for detail. It is a pity that the
demands of his career and the toll exacted by declining health did not
permit him the time to publish the fruits of his studies. Sherrod died
on 23 October 1999 at his home. He is survived by his wife and two sons.

Farewell, old chap! Ye’ll be sorely missed!

The adoption and use of gunpowder-actuated weapons by the Vietnamese
reflect the patterns of cultural influences that have shaped their civilization
as a whole. Study of this subject by modern scholars has been hampered
by the relative inaccessibility of source materials, and the loss of many
artifacts during the country’s turbulent history. What little that remains
suggests that the Dai Viet people, like the Japanese, showed considerable
talent for adaptation, but little proclivity for innovation in this field.

I. GUNPOWDER IN VIETNAM

Unlike China, where the military use of gunpowder precedes the 11th cent.
AD and where the earliest metal-barreled guns are believed to have originated
in the mid-13th, Vietnam appears not to have acquired such technologies
until the early 15th. The Vietnamese are thought to have ~ their first
cannons circa 1414 from Ming forces stationed in Annam (central Vietnam).
The Chinese had defeated and deposed Vietnam’s Ho Dynasty in 1407, and
established a military occupation of the country which lasted until they
were expelled by the hero Le Loi in 1427. … While in the country, the
Chinese followed the well-known policy of “divide and conquer”, favoring
collaborators while cruelly suppressing the opposition. The introduction
of gunpowder and artillery occurred under this political climate.

The Vietnamese apparently took readily to the new weaponry during the
ensuing centuries. The French explorer J. B. Tavernier noted in the second
half of the 17th cent. that the quality of gunpowder produced in Tonkin
(northern Vietnam) and also in Thailand was excellent. Though “corned”
or granulated gunpowder had been known in Europe and China at an earlier
date, Tavernier noted that the Vietnamese and Thai powders were molded
into little rods. The purpose of "corning” is to increase the consistency
and efficiency of combustion, and thus the power of the explosion. The
more uniform the grains, the better. It is interesting to note that the
rod-like form is one of the predominant types of granulation used in today’s
smokeless powders, loaded into a wide variety of ammunition.

II. CANNON (Sung dai bac)

Very few early pieces of artillery have survived in Vietnam. The author,
on a recent visit, saw nothing dated prior to the latter 17th cent., and
those earliest guns were imports from western Europe. The country’s long
record of warfare, and the lack of sentimental attachment to such artifacts
has probably meant that older cannons were used until they wore out, or
were simply melted down and recycled when improved models were made available.
The earliest surviving reference to the manufacture of artillery describes
a foundry located at the Annamite capital of Hue, circa 1630, run by artisans
under the direction of a Portuguese master named Joao da Cruz. However,
it is clear that native production was not sufficient to satisfy demand,
since other records show considerable purchases of arms and munitions
from Holland, Spain, and Portugal throughout the 17th cent.

Further developments occurred with the foundation of the Nguyen Dynasty,
Vietnam’s last ruling house, in 1802. The first ruler, the Gia Long Emperor
(named Nguyen Anh before his enthronement), came to power after defeating
the so-called Tay Son revolt in the closing years of the 18th cent. During
the long campaign against the Tay Son, Nguyen Anh enlisted the support
of an influential Catholic bishop, Pigneau de Behaine (Ba Da Loc). He
had hoped to use Bishop de Behaine’s good offices to obtain French military
backing, in exchange for certain commercial and territorial concessions
in southern Vietnam. The Bishop sailed to France on this mission, accompanied
by the dauphin Canh, but was not to return until after Nguyen Anh had
effectively defeated the Tay Son in 1789.

The French provided a considerable amount of arms and ammunition. More
important was a group of French technicians whose work revolutionized
Vietnam’s heavy armaments industry. The most influential of these master
artisans were:

• de Forcant (Le Van Lang)
• Olivier (Ong Tin)
• Vannier (Nguyen Van Thanq)
• Chaigneau (Nguyen Van Chan)

These men brought the latest developments in artillery to the Far East.
During the latter 18th cent, French artillery had gained the reputation
of being the best in Europe. After the waning of Jesuit influence in China,
there was no other instance of sustained production of high-quality, Western-style
armaments on the Pacific Rim until the modernization of Japan in the 187Q’s
Ironically, such acceptance of French material and technical aid allowed
France to put a political foot through a door which Vietnam’s Confucian
ruler preferred to remain closed, a development which was to eventually
cost the nation its independence,

In Vietnam, these improved French designs, often embellished with Eastern
decorative motifs and inscribed in the Chinese-based writing system in
use at the time, completely supplanted the earlier Chinese, Portuguese,
and Dutch models Despite losses due to war and plunder, Vietnam’s museums
are graced with many examples of guns cast during the Gia Long (1802-20)
and Minh Mang (1820-40) reigns. They show that the French were superb
teachers who had first-rate students. The guns are impeccably made and
some of them have an aesthetic quality that surpasses many of their European
contemporaries.

A typical example of a field-gun cast during the Gia Long reign, one
of about a dozen identical and serially-numbered examples now preserved
at the History museum in Saigon, is shown in Fig. 1. Made of bronze, it
is designed after French prototypes. The workmanship is first-rate, On
the breech, directly behind the touchhole are three characters “(by) command
(of) Gia Long". To the right of this is the name of this type of
cannon, "Victorious and Majestic General 100 Degrees”, followed by
the serial number, 53 (see Fig. 2). To the left is an inscription giving
the date of manufacture (Fig. 3). For our purposes, it is significant
to note that the gun was cast in the 16th year of the Gia Long reign (AD
1818).

The ends of the trunnions display dimensional data and specifications
for the ammunition (Figs. 4 and 5). Units of measurement are in the traditional
Chinese decimal system; using equivalents which were standard during the
Ming Dynasty, the – English equivalents can be calculated as follows:

• Weight: 632 jin = 840.6 lb.
• Length: 3 chi 4 cun 2 fen = 4 ft. 1 in.
• Length of bore: 3 chi = 3 ft. 7 in. (gun is smoothbore)
• Bore diameter: 2 cun 2 fen = 2 41/64 in.(see also Fig. 6)
• Shot diameter: 2 cun 1 fen = 2 17/32 in.
• Projectile wt.: 2 jin 4 liang – 3 lb. 3 1/5 oz.

The inscription also includes admonitions to use good quality powder,
and to shoot steel (iron) cannonballs only.

During the Gia Long reign, Vietnamese artisans were capable of casting
finely decorated guns of considerable size. The best known examples of
these larger-scale guns are the Nine Sacred Cannons, which are the symbolic
guardians of the Citadel at Hue. Each of the bronze tubes measures about
sixteen feet eight inches and weighs approximately ten tons. Although
designed to be fully functional in every respect, they have never been
fired. The cast barrel ornamentation and the carving on the carriages
are exquisite.

Another example of early l9th cent. Vietnamese artillery is the short
howitzer barrel shown in Fig. 7. Preserved at the Imperial Museum at Hue,
the bronze barrel sits in a concrete display carriage, which has no resemblance
to the original. The inscription on the cascabel (Fig. 8) indicates that
the piece was made in the 13th year of the Minh Mang reign (1833). The
inscription to the right of the touchhole (Fig. 9) shows that it was made
in an Imperial workshop, and the remainder of the inscription at the circumference
of the breech gives the name of the gun, “Divine Majesty Foe-Destroying
Generalissimo, First Rank" (see also Fig. 10). As with the previous
example described above, it is interesting to note that the names of the
artillery Pieces still reflect Chinese usage, even though the guns themselves
are of purely European design.

III. MATCHLOCK MUSKETS (Sung hoa mai)

Until large-scale importation of flintlock muskets and rifles (sung may
da) from France began in the early Nguyen Dynasty, the Vietnamese relied
on shoulder-fired weapons similar to those used in neighboring areas.
The primitive hand-cannon (sung ma truong) long remained in use, even
if only as a signaling device. In Western collections are encountered,
on rare occasions, Tonkinese matchlocks with slender, elongated, pistol
shaped butts reminiscent of Taiwan aborigine guns, but with mechanisms
of Indian or Chinese type. Rather more common, at least in America, are
the small bore muskets of the hill tribes, with pistol stocks and primitive
flintlock mechanisms which were brought home as souvenirs during the Vietnam
conflict.

Private Collection, Vietnam

This article will focus on a curious type of matchlock seen by the author
on his recent sojourn, a form which has until now been little known amongst
Western collectors (Fig. 11). The barrels, generally octagonal and always
smoothbore, vary greatly in length. Calibers range from .40 to about .50
in. They are mounted by means of narrow metal capucines into simple stocks
with short, downward-curving butts, fashioned of very dense native hardwood
and often provided with ivory or bone butt- and toeplates. From the shape
of the butts, they are clearly intended to be rested against the cheek
while firing. The locks are of iron, with minimal embellishment, and feature
a forward falling serpentine released by a transverse sear and propelled
by a single leaf mainspring (Fig. 12). Vietnamese antiquarians and collectors
who were queried on their origin insist that they are typical of the Hue
area. This might explain their radically different appearance and mechanical
design to the rare Tonkin muskets mentioned above. However, the contention
by some that they represent borrowed Japanese technology is questionable
for several reasons:

1. Japanese Hinawa-ju, though superficially similar, have butts whose
toe areas feature a chamfered contour. These Vietnamese guns have flat
butts, which puts them in a class with some Malay guns.

2. Japanese barrels are almost always pin-fastened to the stock fore-ends,
whereas the Vietnamese ones are attached with bands or capucines (as are
Malay, Javanese, Burmese, and Chinese examples). However, it must be noted
that the Vietnamese gunstocks do have a longitudinal saw-cut visible along
the underside of the fore-end as is the case with Japanese (and Korean)
muskets.

3. The mainspring on the Vietnamese lock is single-leaf, whereas Japanese
locks have a V-shaped external’ or coiled internal spring. Also, all Vietnamese
locks seen by the author are of iron, whereas brass was almost universally
used in Japan.

4. The shape and mounting of the trigger-guard is akin to Malay, not-Japanese,
prototypes.

5. The position of the trigger relative to the serpentine and buttplate
is more akin to the proportions found on Malay and Javanese guns (closer
to the serpentine than the Japanese).

The snapping matchlock with forward-falling serpentine and transverse
sear activated by a conventional trigger was introduced to various Southeast
Asian and Far Eastern cultures in the first half of the 16th cent. by
the Portuguese. It is in itself a product of the fusion of Indo-Portuguese
technologies. It is interesting to note that these Vietnamese guns-retain
the single leaf mainspring of the Lusitanian prototypes, whereas the versions
produced later by the Chinese’ Japanese, and Koreans all utilized V-shaped
springs.

This brief introduction is intended to present to Western students of
arms and military technology a subject on which comparatively little has
been written. It is hoped that it can be suitably expanded as more material
comes to light.

c. 1999 Philip Tom

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Blackmore, Howard, Guns and Rifles of the World, NY: Viking 1965 .

Daehnhardt, Rainer, Espingarda Feiticeira / the Bewitched Gun, Lisboa:
Texto Editora 1994

Elgood, Robert, Firearms of the Islamic World, London/NY: I. B. Tauris,
1995

Huard, Pierre & Ourand, Maurice, Connaissance du V]et-Nam, Hanoi:
Ecole Francaise d’Extreme-Orient, 1954

Needham, Joseph, Science & Civilization in China, Vol. v, No. 7,
Cambridge: University Press 1986.

Vietnamese Swords

Nineteenth Century Vietnamese Kiem, Private Collection.

Swords of Vietnam are a beautiful and interesting cross
of Chinese, Japanese, Thai and in later designs, French influences. Vietnamese
smiths employed sophisticated methods of inlaying precious metals and
excellent chased silver for the fittings of their weapons that are unique
to the region. Finer examples of both types of swords are often mounted
with ivory elephant handles. These grips are either made of the tip of
an tusk elephant or of sections of elephant molars.

The kiem is a double edged straight sword that
has no parallel elsewhere in Southeast Asia. Kiem are clearly a direct
descendant of the Chinese straight sword, or Jian, and mirror their
general shape and design very closely. The Vietnamese kiem however
are lighter with thin almost needle-like blades. In some respects the
Vietnamese straight sword is reminiscent of European small swords and
at first glance one might mistakenly assume a European origin for this
weapon.

The Vietnamese saber, dao, can be found in three
varieties. Each originating from one of the three foreign influences mentioned
above. From the 1400′s to the 1800′s, saber forms followed the political
divisions of the country. Sabers from northern Vietnam (Tonkin) show a
strong Chinese influence. In blade form and design of fittings, they descend
from the Ming type LiuYe Dao – ‘Willow Leaf Saber’. These dao
have a hand or hand and a half grip.

Nineteenth Century Vietnamese Tonkin (upper) and Cochin sabers, Private Collection.

Dao of Cochin China are of the two handed variety
called dai dao. These are related to other Southeast Asian saber
such as the Burmese and Thai dha. But they also show a strong Japanese
influence. It is interesting to try and derive from where this Japanese
influence derives.

There has been a Japanese presence in Thailand and coastal
Vietnam beginning in the 15th or 16th century. In Thailand, they served
as mercenaries and it is likely that they fell into piracy as they did
in other areas of Asia. In their roles as soldiers or brigands, Vietnamese
would certainly have come in contact with weapons of Japanese origin.

Detail of Tonkin (upper) and Cochin saber hilts.

The Japanese influence on Vietnamese dai dao
appears strongest in the fittings. These Cochin sabers have guards shaped
like the tsuba of Japanese katana. Some are actually copies
of tsuba right down to the holes on either side to allow for the
utility knives present on the side of Japanese sword scabbards (but are
absent on the dai dao). The Cochin dai dao also have a habaki
or collar at the forte as do Japanese swords. Sometimes, oval, serrated
washers like Jappanese seppa are also positioned between guard
and collar.

18th Century Vietnamese Saber Handle of Carved Ivory, Private Collection.

While these specific features are drawn from Japanese
sources, the overall design of the Cochin saber is Southeast Asian. Their
blades form closely follow the Chinese Willow Leaf pattern mentioned above.
And the grips on these weapons are also of round cross-section, like those
of Thai and Burmese dha. It should also be noted that the Vietnamese sometimes
utilized foreign blades. One example in the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s
collection in New York has a Japanese blade. Later kiem and dao
were also made with French blades.

Polearms Mitiary Museum Vietnam

The native forged blades of Vietnam are pattern welded
steel. These blades are forged by a Chinese method known as qiangang
– ‘inserted steel’. This type of blade construction employs an inserted
hardened steel cutting edge backed by a soft steel core. These two components
are sandwiched in layered damascus steel. Some examples of parade swords
have blades of copper or brass. It is an open question as to why a sword
would be made with a non-functional blade. I can only suggest at this
time that they were made for use in close proximity to the Annam emperor
to prevent their use in an assassination attempt. By the later 1890′s,
one French traveler noted that the quality of blades had declined.

Vietnamese Weapons Terminology
Cung: bow Kiem*: straight sword Dao†: saber Dai-dao††: two-handed saber Doan-dao††: dagger * Jian in Mandarin † The small “d” sould be crossed †† The small “d” sould be crossed In Vietnamese, the D is pronounced like an English “d”. A crossed D is pronounced like “z” in the north, like “y” in the south.

In the early nineteenth century another foreign influence
affected Vietnamese dao – France. After the French bankrolled the
establishment of the Nguyen dynasty in 1802, lion-head pommels began appearing.
These sabers are essentially European in design, with ‘D’ shaded knucklebows.
This French pattern is overlaid and decorated in the local Vietnamese
fashion, usually with embossed silver fittings on the scabbard and hilt
and mother of pearl inlay in lacquer or rose wood scabbards. Other examples
have plain tortoise shell covered scabbards. This style of saber has a
scabbard chape with an usually sharp upward accelerating curve terminating
in a sharp end. This is quite different from sabers of European design
which tend to have chapes with rounded ends. This pointed chape is most
likely a hold-over from Ming Chinese influences.

Vietnam, lying like a dragon along the coast between
the Chinese Empire and seafaring nations of Asia and Europe, has been
a melting pot of cultures for over millenium. The centuries of development
and varying cultural influences combine with excellent local craftsmanship
to produce unique swords of great beauty. Today these overlooked treasures
waiting to be discovered by collectors and students of antique arms.

Tomb guardians at a Vietnamese Emperor’s Tomb armed with Kiem, Dao and Daido respectively.

Copyright Scott M. Rodell, 1999